![\"golf](\"resource\/img\/2020\/12\/golf-ii-bih_gallery_dim_orig2.png\")
<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
(English below)<\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
Ovih dana rasprave o Daytonu vode se \u0161irom svijeta, jer je 25. godi\u0161njica vrijeme za razmi\u0161ljanje i o pro\u0161losti i o budu\u0107nosti.<\/p>\n
Ve\u0107ina komentara koncentrira se na jedno pitanje koje se ponavlja: je li Dayton bio primirje ili mirovni spotazum? To neizbje\u017eno poziva na analizu politi\u010dkih motiva i istra\u017eivanje snaga koje jo\u0161 uvijek oblikuju njegovo provo\u0111enje.<\/p>\n
Me\u0111utim, mogu\u0107e je i drugo gledi\u0161te. Ve\u0107ina razgovora o Daytonu zapravo se fokusira na Aneks IV, to jest Ustav. Danas su svi ustavi utemeljeni na nekom politi\u010dkom sporazumu, ali oni su i krajnji temelj unutra\u0161njeg zakona i prava gra\u0111ana. Dakle, oni zaslu\u017euju objektivnu pravnu ocjenu, ne\u0161to \u0161to je \u010desto iznena\u0111uju\u0107e ograni\u010deno kada se analizira Daytonski ustav.<\/p>\n
Onda glavno pitanje postaje: koliko je pravnog projekta Daytona postignuto i u kakvoj interakciji ovaj Ustav mo\u017ee biti s procesom EU, \u0161to je ogroman test za bilo koju dr\u017eavu \u010dlanicu?<\/p>\n
Za po\u010detak je dobro poznato da je Dayton konceptom konstitutivnih naroda uspostavio odre\u0111enu ravnote\u017eu izme\u0111u individualnih i kolektivnih prava. To je dovelo do razli\u010ditih gledi\u0161ta, ali prvobitni koncept je bio da se svi trebaju jednako tretirati svugdje u zemlji. Kada su u pitanju \u201eOstali\u201c, svi znamo da u skladu s Europskom konvencijom o ljudskim pravima, kako je navedeno u presudi Sejdi\u0107-Finci, diskriminacija nad njima mora biti okon\u010dana. Na kraju, presuda zapravo ka\u017ee da institucije moraju prema svima postupati jednako, bez obzira na ne\u010diju pripadnost ili nedostatak iste. To jo\u0161 uvijek treba posti\u0107i.<\/p>\n
Druga va\u017ena stvar je da BiH jo\u0161 uvijek nije stvorila jedinstveno unutra\u0161nje tr\u017ei\u0161te s punom slobodom kretanja ljudi, robe, kapitala i usluga, iako je to jasno spomenuto u Daytonu (\u010dl. I.4). Ako bi BiH sutra u\u0161la u EU, bila bi du\u017ena jednako postupati sa svim ostalim kompanijama i proizvodima iz EU, na osnovu pariteta i uzajamnog priznavanja. Za\u0161to onda ne po\u010dnemo primjenjivati uzajamno priznavanje i paritet i unutar zemlje? Uzajamno priznavanje, unutarnje i vanjsko, trebalo bi se temeljiti na uskla\u0111ivanju sa standardima EU.<\/p>\n
Tre\u0107a stvar je da je za \u010dlanstvo u EU potrebna va\u017ena sposobnost bilo koje dr\u017eave \u010dlanice da prili\u010dno brzo razradi zajedni\u010dke stavove i doprinese procesu dono\u0161enja odluka na nivou EU. Zakonodavstvo EU toliko je veliko da zahtijeva puno stru\u010dnosti na svim nivoima vlasti. Trenutno se oko polovina odluka talijanskog parlamenta i vlade odnosi na provo\u0111enje ili pregovaranje o zakonu EU. Sposobnost interakcije u pravom trenutku i na pravi na\u010din vrlo je va\u017ena, jer kada se jednom donese odluka na nivou EU, dr\u017eave \u010dlanice du\u017ene su je izvr\u0161iti.<\/p>\n
To dovodi do va\u017enog pitanja: kako osigurati da se i Daytonski ustav, kao i svi ustavi, mogu a\u017eurirati na na\u010din koji zadr\u017eava politi\u010dku stabilnost, a istovremeno omogu\u0107ava suo\u010davanje s novim izazovima iz svijeta koji svakodnevno postaje sve slo\u017eeniji?<\/p>\n
Vjerujem da odgovor le\u017ei u konceptu \u201esupsidijarnosti\u201c u srcu zakona EU. Ovaj princip predvi\u0111a da bi ni\u017ei nivoi vlasti trebali biti prvi regulatori u ve\u0107ini sektora, osim ako efikasnost ili rezultat intervencije vi\u0161eg nivoa vlasti ne donose bolje i po\u017eeljnije rezultate. To zna\u010di da su unutar svake dr\u017eave lokalne vlasti prvi odgovor na lokalna pitanja, dok dr\u017eavni nivo intervenira kada lokalne ili regionalne vlasti ne mogu upravljati svime. Istodobno, pravo EU intervenira kada pitanja ne mogu rije\u0161iti same dr\u017eave \u010dlanice, prije svega za sve u vezi s funkcioniranjem jedinstvenog tr\u017ei\u0161ta.<\/p>\n
Ovaj vi\u0161edimenzionalni pristup dobro bi poslu\u017eio BiH. Ve\u0107a saradnja na dr\u017eavnom nivou ne podrazumijeva centralizaciju, ve\u0107 bolju i br\u017eu razmjenu informacija, tra\u017ee\u0107i jedinstvenu poziciju uz prepoznavanje lokalnih potreba. Italija je 2001. godine izmijenila svoj Ustav kako bi prepoznao koncept supsidijarnosti. Sli\u010dne promjene de\u0161avaju se \u0161irom EU kada je to potrebno. BiH bi mogla u\u010diniti isto, a njen parlament mo\u017ee usvojiti reforme sa dvotre\u0107inskom ve\u0107inom, \u0161to je apsolutno mogu\u0107e sa zajedni\u010dkim pogledom na budu\u0107nost zemlje u EU.<\/p>\n
Va\u017eno je da rasprava zapo\u010dne i da se odvija u cijelom dru\u0161tvu, kao i u Parlamentu. Promjena je potrebna. Poku\u0161aj suo\u010davanja sa svim dana\u0161njim problemima koriste\u0107i pravne instrumente pro\u0161log stolje\u0107a ograni\u010dava uspjeh vlade i dru\u0161tva. Golf II je bio \u010dvrst, izdr\u017eljiv automobil i u teoriji i dalje mo\u017ee efikasno raditi. Ipak, vrijeme je da se redizajnira, a na Parlamentu BiH i gra\u0111anima je da to u\u010dine.<\/p>\n
Kako bi doprinijelo raspravi, talijansko Ministarstvo vanjskih poslova organiziralo je online konferenciju pod nazivom \u201eDvadeset pet godina kasnije: Dejtonski sporazum i evropski put Bosne i Hercegovine\u201c,\u00a0 18. decembra 2020., koju mo\u00f9ete pogledati na Facebook stranici ambasade Italije u BiH, ItalzinBiH (https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/ItalyinBiH\/videos\/146258930331098<\/a>)<\/p>\n To je prvi korak za ne\u0161to vrlo va\u017eno, \u0161to je u srcu i EU i BiH.<\/p>\n ————————————-<\/p>\n Time for a New Model<\/p>\n \u00a0<\/p>\n These days discussions on Dayton are taking place around the world, since the 25th anniversary is a time for reflection on both the past and the future.<\/p>\n Most of the comments concentrate on one recurring question: was Dayton an armistice or a peace treaty? This inevitably invites to an analysis of the political motives and to explore the forces that still shape its enforcement.<\/p>\n However also another point of view is possible. Most of the talks about Dayton actually focus on Annex IV, that is the Constitution. Now, all Constitutions are based on some political agreement, but they also are the ultimate foundation of internal law and citizens\u2019 rights. So they deserve an objective legal appraisal, something that is often surprisingly limited when analyzing the Dayton constitution.<\/p>\n The main question then becomes: how much of the legal project of Dayton has been achieved and how can this Constitution interact with the EU process, which is a huge test for any member State?<\/p>\n For a start, it is well known that Dayton, with the concept of constituent peoples, has framed a certain equilibrium between individual and collective rights. This has given rise to differing views, but the original concept was that everybody should be treated equally everywhere in the country. When \u201cOthers\u201d are concerned, we all know that in line with the European Convention of Human Rights, as stated in the Sejdic-Finci judgement, discrimination against them must be ended. What the judgement really says, after all, is that institutions must treat everybody equally, regardless of one\u2019s affiliation, or lack thereof. That still needs to be achieved.<\/p>\n A second important point is that BiH has not yet created a unified internal market with full freedom of movement of people, goods, capital and services, although that is clearly mentioned by Dayton (art. I.4). If BiH entered the EU tomorrow, it would be obliged to treat all other EU companies and products equally, on the basis of parity and mutual recognition. Then, why not start applying mutual recognition and parity also inside the country? Mutual recognition, internal and external, should be based on the alignment with EU standards.<\/p>\n The third point is that being part of the EU requires an important ability from any member State to elaborate common positions rather quickly, to contribute to the decision making process at the EU level. EU legislation is so vast that requires lots of expertise at all level of governments. Currently about half of all the decisions of the Italian Parliament and government are related to the enforcement or negotiation of EU law. The ability to interact at the right moment and in the right way is very important, since once a decision is taken at the EU level, member States are obliged to enforce it.<\/p>\n This leads to an important question: how to make sure that the Dayton constitution, like all constitutions, can be updated in a way that keeps political stability, yet allowing to meet new challenges from a world that becomes more complex every day?<\/p>\n The answer, I believe, lies in the concept of \u201csubsidiarity\u201d at the heart of EU law. This principle provides that lower levels of government should be the first regulators in most sectors, unless the efficiency or result from the intervention of a higher level of government brings better and more desirable results. This means that inside each country local authorities are the first responders to local issues, while the State level intervenes when local or regional authorities alone cannot manage everything. At the same time, EU law intervenes when issues cannot be settled by Member states alone, first of all for everything related to the functioning of the single market.<\/p>\n This multi-dimensional approach would serve BiH well. More cooperation at State level does not imply centralization, but better and faster exchange of information, looking for a unified position while recognizing local needs. Italy amended its Constitution in 2001 to recognize the subsidiarity concept. Similar changes take place across the EU when needed. BiH could to the same and its Parliament can adopt reforms with a two third majority, which is absolutely possible with a shared view about the EU future for the country.<\/p>\n What matters is that the debate starts and that it takes place across society as well as in Parliament. Change is needed. Trying to face all of today\u2019s problems with the legal instruments of the last century limits the success of government and society. The Golf II was a sturdy, durable car and in theory it can still work effectively. Yet, it is time to redesign it and it is up to the BiH Parliament and citizens to do that.<\/p>\n In order to contribute to the debate, the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation organized an online conference on “Twenty-five years later: the Dayton agreements and the EU road to Bosnia and Herzegovina”, on 18 December 2020, which is now available on the Facebook page of the Italian Embassy in Sarajevo, ItalyinBiH (https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/ItalyinBiH\/videos\/146258930331098<\/a>).<\/p>\n It is a first step, for something very important, at the heart of both the EU and BiH<\/p>\n \u00a0<\/p>\n To stimulate the debate, <\/p>\n \u00a0<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"\u00a0 (English below) \u00a0 \u00a0 Ovih dana rasprave o Daytonu vode se \u0161irom svijeta, jer je 25. godi\u0161njica vrijeme za razmi\u0161ljanje i o pro\u0161losti i o budu\u0107nosti. Ve\u0107ina komentara koncentrira se na jedno pitanje koje se ponavlja: je li Dayton bio primirje ili mirovni spotazum? To neizbje\u017eno poziva na analizu politi\u010dkih motiva i istra\u017eivanje snaga […]","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1573","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/ambsarajevo.esteri.it\/bs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1573","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/ambsarajevo.esteri.it\/bs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/ambsarajevo.esteri.it\/bs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ambsarajevo.esteri.it\/bs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ambsarajevo.esteri.it\/bs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1573"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/ambsarajevo.esteri.it\/bs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1573\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/ambsarajevo.esteri.it\/bs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1573"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ambsarajevo.esteri.it\/bs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1573"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}